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MEMORANDUM 

WRITTEN BY 

WILLIAM ROTCH 

IN THE EIGHTIETH YEAR 

OF HIS AGE. 



MEMORANDUM 

WRITTEN 
BY 

smuuam Motcfj 

IN THE EIGHTIETH YEAR 
OF HIS AGE. 




'■ii#*'- 



BOSTON AND NEWYORK 
HOUGHTON MIFFI.IN COMPANY 

1916 



■NZTfSf 



Copyright, 1916, by Houghton Mifflin Company 

All rights reserved 

Published June 1916 



tTHIS EDITION IS LIMITED TO FOUR HUNDRED 
AND FIFTY COPIES PRINTED AT THE RIVERSIDE 
PRESS, CAMBRIDGE, MASSACHUSETTS, U. S. A. 




©CI.A4834G7 



PREFATORY NOTE. 



THOUGH a man of some prominence in his 
day and a member of a family still well 
known and honored in Massachusetts, the 
writer of this " Memorandum " is unnoticed in 
most books of reference, and it seems fitting 
to preface his reminiscences on their first ap- 
pearance in book form with a brief account of 
his life. 

William Rotch was a Nantucket Quaker, 
born on the island, October 15, 1734. He car- 
ried on a large whaling and shipping business 
in Nantucket, which was for many years the 
third largest port of New England. Though he 
was a man of peace, his fortunes were closely 
connected with the fortunes of war. While 
[ ^ ] 



PREFATORY NOTE 

visiting London in 1773 he chartered three of 
his ships to the East India Company, and 
these ships — the Dartmouth, the Beaver, and 
the Bedford — brought the tea to Boston and 
furnished the scene of the " Boston Tea Party," 
one of the early outbreaks of the revolutionary 
spirit in New England. When the Revolution 
actually came it made serious trouble for the 
peace-loving inhabitants of Nantucket, who did 
their best to preserve their neutrality and keep 
the whaling industry alive to supply the world 
with oil. How William Rotch met these diffi- 
culties he himself relates in his " Memoran- 
dum." He was successful both during and 
after the war, and his ship Bedford was the 
first vessel to carry the American flag into a 
British port, when, on February 6, 1783, she 
reported at the London custom-house with a 
cargo of oil. There is a story that one of 
her crew, a hunchback, while on shore one 
day, was clapped on the back b}' a British 
sailor, who said, " Hello, Jack, what have 
[ vi ] 



PREFATORY NOTE 

you got here?" to which the Yankee replied, 
" Bunker Hill, and be d — d to you ! " 

It may be worth while to note that William 
Roteh's son Benjamin, who accompanied his 
father on his mission to England and France, 
related two interesting anecdotes which are not 
included in the " Memorandum." One of these 
is to the effect that when Mr. Rotch had com- 
pleted his arrangements for sailing to France, 
Lord Hawkesbury sent word to him desiring 
another interview, and that the Quaker's reply 
was as follows : " If Lord Hawkesbury wishes 
to meet William Rotch, he will find him on 
board the ship Maria until the hour when the 
ship takes her anchor." The other story is 
that, during the visit to the royal chapel in 
Paris, the king himself, who shared the pre- 
vailing curiosity to see the wealthy Quaker, 
was present incog. 

As related in the "Memorandum," William 
Rotch in 1795 removed to New Bedford, which 
was afterwards for many years the leading 
[ vii ] 



PREFATORY NOTE 

whaling port of the world. Here he lived until 
his death on May 16, 1828. He was a man of 
the highest principles, much respected and 
loved wherever he was known. 
Boston, April, 1916. 



CONTENTS. 



PXOE 

Memorandum written by William Rotch 1 

Petition of the Quakers to the French Na- 
tional Assembly 70 

Answer of the President of the Assembly ... 78 

Copy of Thomas Jenkins's Complaint 82 



IliLUSTRATIONS. 



William Rotch Frontispiece 

From a painting ascribed to Dalton Edward Mar- 
chant, reproduced through the courtesy of the owner. 
Miss Emma Rodman, of Boston 

The Cotjnting-Housb of William Rotch & Sons at 
THE Foot of Main Street, Nantucket 8 

built dnt 1772 by william rotch & sons and oc- 
cupied by them till 1795, when they removed 
to new bedford. since 18g1 the lower floor 
has been used by the pacific club, a club 
organized by veteran whaling captains. 

The Rotch (Roach) Fleet among a School of 
Sperm Whales off the Coast of Hawaii ... 16 ' 

THE ships are THE ENTERPRISE, WILLIAM ROACH, 

pocahontas, and houqua. 

William Rotch 24 > 

From a wax medallion by Ball Hughes 

The Ship Maria, in which William Rotch sailed 
TO London in 1785 36 j 

[ ^i ] 



ILLUSTRATIONS 

The Chase — Spkrm- Whaling ScEKK 48 

From a rare New Bedford Print 

Capturing a Sperm Weulb 68 

From a very rare print 

New Bedford about 1800 68 

SHOWING WILLIAM ROTCH'S MANSION, AND WIL- 
LIAM ROTCH HIMSELF IN HIS CHAISE, THE ONLY 
PRIVATE CARRIAGE THEN KEPT IN THE TOWN. 
FROM A PRINT ENTITLED " NEW BEDFORD FIFTY 
YEARS ago" made IN 1858. 

MlRABBAU 78 

From an engraving by T. Johnson after a pastel by 
Michel Honori Bounieu 



MEMORANDUM 

WRITTEN BY 

WILLIAM ROTCH 

IN THE EIGHTIETH YEAR 

OF HIS AGE. 



MEMORANDUM 



WRITTEN BY 



WILLIAM ROTCH 



IN THE 



EIGHTIETH YEAR OF HIS AGE. 



ATRIEND of mine has repeatedly requested 
me to put on paper some of the occur- 
rences of about Twenty Years of my life from 
1775 to 1794 which he had heard me relate in 
conversation. 

When the Eevolutionary War begun in 1775 

I saw clearly that the only line of conduct to 

be pursued by us, the Inhabitants of the Island 

of Nantucket was to take no part in the contest, 

[ 1 ] 



MEMORANDUM BY 

and to endeavor to give no occasion of offence 
to either of the contending Powers. 

A great portion of the Inhabitants were of 
the Denomination of Friends, and a large num- 
ber of the considerate of other Societies united 
in the opinion that our safety was in a state 
of Neutrality as far as it could be obtained, 
though we had no doubt that suffering would 
be our lot, which we often experienced from 
both parties. Our situation was rendered more 
difficult by having a few restless Spirits amongst 
us, who had nothing to lose, and who were often 
thwarting our pacific plan, and subjecting us 
to danger, not caring what confusion they 
brought upon us, if they could get something 
in the scramble. 

My own trials begun soon after the War 
broke out. In the year 1764 I had taken the 
Goods of a Merchant in Boston, deceased in- 
solvent, who was Deeply indebted to me. 

Among these were a number of muskets, 
some with, and others without bayonets. The 
t 2 ] 



W I li li I A M ROTCH 

straights of Belleisle opened a new field for the 
Whale Fishery, where wild fowl were abun- 
dant, and my Guns met with a rapid sale. When- 
ever those with Bayonets were chosen, I took 
that Instrument from them. The purchaser 
would insist on having it, as an appendage 
belonging to the Gun, and I as strenuously 
withheld it, and laid them all by. Many Years 
afterwards I removed to another store, leaving 
much rubbish in the one I had left. Among 
the rubbish were these Bayonets, neglected and 
forgotten ; until the War commenced, when to 
my surprise they were brought into view by 
an application for them, made by a person from 
the Continent. 

The time was now come to endeavor to sup- 
port our Testimony against War, or abandon 
it, as this very instrument was a severe test. I 
could not hesitate which to choose, and there- 
fore denied the applicant. My reason for not 
furnishing them was demanded, to which I 
readily answered, " As this instrument is pur- 
C 3 ] 



ME3IORANDUM BY 

posely made and used for the destruction of 
mankind, I can put no weapon into a man's 
hand to destroy another, that I cannot use my- 
self in the same way " — The person left me 
much dissatisfied. Others came, and received 
the same denial. It made a great noise in the 
Country, and my life was threatened. I would 
gladly have beaten them into " pruning hooks," 
but I took an early opportunity of throwing 
them into the sea. 

A short time after I was called before a 
Committee appointed by the Court then held 
at Watertown near Boston, and questioned 
amongst other things respecting my Bayonets. 

I gave a full account of my proceedings, and 
closed it with saying, " I sunk them in the bot- 
tom of the sea, I did it from principle, I have 
ever been glad that I had done it, and if I am 
wrong I am to be pitied." The Chairman of 
the Committee Major Hawley (a worthy char- 
acter) then addressed the Committee, and said 
" I believe Mr. Rotch has given us a candid 
[ 4 ] 



WIIililAM ROTCH 

account, and everyman has a right to act con- 
sistently with his religious principles, but I am 
sorry that we could not have the Bayonets, for 
we want them very much." 

The Major was desirous of knowing more of 
our principles on which I informed him as far 
as he enquired. 

One of the Committee in a pert manner 
observed "then your principles are passive 
Obedience and non-resistance." I replied " No 
my friend, our principles are active Obedience, 
or passive suffering." I had passed this no 
small trial respecting my Bayonets, but the 
clamor against me long continued. 

From the Year 1775 to the end of the War, 
we were in continual embarrassments — Our 
Vessels captured by the English, and our small 
vessels and boats sent to the various parts of 
the Continent for provisions, denied, and sent 
back empty, under pretence that we supplied 
the British, which was without the least founda- 
tion. Prohibitory Laws were often made in 
[ 5 ] 



MEMORANDUM BY 

consequence of these unfounded reports. By 
this inhuman conduct we were sometimes in 
danger of being starved. One of these Laws 
was founded on an information from Governor 
Trumbull of Connecticut, who had been im- 
posed upon respecting our conduct in supply- 
ing the British. 

I wrote to the Governor on the subject, and 
laid our distress very home to him, assuring 
him at the same time that nothing of that kind 
had taken place. He was convinced of his error, 
and was ever after very kind in assisting us 
within his jurisdiction. 

But there were so many petty Officers, as 
Committees of Safety, Inspection, etc. in all 
parts, and too many of them chosen much upon 
the principle of Jeroboam's Priests, that we 
were sorely afflicted. 

It was about the year 1778 when the current 

in the Country was very strong against us at 

Nantucket, the vessels we sent after provisions, 

sent back empty, and great suffering for want 

[ 6 ] 



WILLIAM ROTCH 

of food was likely to take place, that the people 
who thought we ought to have joined in the 
War (not Friends) began to chide and mur- 
mur against me. They considered me the prin- 
cipal cause that we did not unite in the War 
(which I knew was measureably the case,) 
when we might have been plentifully supplied, 
but were now likely to starve, little considering 
that if we had taken a part, there was nothing but 
supernatural aid (which we had no reason to ex- 
pect) that could have prevented our destruction. 
Though I had done everything in my power 
for our preservation, this murmuring of the 
people operated so severely upon my spirits, 
that I was once (a time never to be forgotten) 
on the point of asking of that Divine Being 
who gave me life, that he would take it from 
me, for my affliction seemed more than I could 
bear. But being restrained by that good hand, 
which had so often been my deliverer, after 
shedding a flood of tears, my mind was more 
easy, and my spirit revived. 
[ 7 ] 



MEMORANDUM BY 

In the Year 1779 seven armed Vessels and 
Transports with soldiers from Newport came to 
us, the latter commanded by George Leonard, 
an American, as were his troops in general, 
having joined the English. They plundered us 
of much property, some from me, but a con- 
siderable amount from Thomas Jenkins. While 
they were plundering his store, I attempted to 
pass the Guard they had set, being desirous to 
see Leonard, and intercede with him to desist. 
But the Guard arrested my progress with the 
Bayonet. After some time Timothy Folger suc- 
ceeded in speaking to him, and advised him to 
go off, for the people would not bear it much 
longer. He took the hint, and retired much 
enraged. 

We soon had information that Leonard & Co. 
were preparing another and a more formidable 
expedition to visit us. The Town was convened 
to consult what measures should be taken in this 
trying emergency, which resulted in sending 
Dr. Benjamin Tupper, Samuel Starbuck and 
[ 8 J 



WILIilAM ROTCH 

myself to Newport, to represent our ease to 
the Commanders of the Navy and Army. We 
arrived in the harbor of Nevpport, where Cap- 
tain Dawson commanded the Navy, and Gen- 
eral Prescott the Army. 

But the American Refugees had made in- 
terest with the General not to suffer us to land, 
and we were ordered by Dawson to depart. 
We interceded with him to let us stay a little 
longer, for we found the Expedition was pro- 
gressing rapidly, and unless we could arrest it, 
it would be in vain to proceed to New York. 
Dawson by request of General Prescott, under 
the influence of the Refugees, ordered our im- 
mediate departure again. Dr. Tupper now for 
the first time went on board, and in his plain 
blunt way, after the usual ceremony of entry, 
addressed him in this manner — 

" You order us to depart. We cannot be 

frightened away, nor will we depart. We know 

the extent of your authority. You may make 

a prize of our vessel, and imprison us — much 

[ 9 ] 



M K M O K A X D U 31 B Y 

better for us to be thus treated, than to be sent 
away. We came here for peace, and you ought 
to encourage everything of this kind," etc. 

His reasons made such an impression on 

Captain Dawson, that he gave us liberty to 

stay as long as we pleased The Refugee 

Boat came several times to us, to get us [to go] 

off We insisted on going on shore, but 

they as often refused us. After this conversa- 
tion with Dawson, the Boat came again, and 
Dr. Tupper insisted that he would go on shore 

They still denied him unless he intended 

to stay with them. As he was not always ex- 
act in his expressions, to answer his purpose 
he says " Well, I am going to stay," and al- 
most forcibly got into their Boat, and went on 
shore, being satisfied that if he could once see 
the General, he could in this respect destroy 
the influence of the Refugees. He accordingly 
got liberty for Samuel Starbuck to come on 
shore, and the next day for me to follow. We 
found it necessary to be in friendship with the 
[ 10 ] 



WILLIAM ROTCH 

Refugees, that if possible we might stop the 
current of their intended predatory visit. 

I got on shore in the afternoon, and found 

that I must wait on General Preseot. 

Knowing his brittle temper, and it being in the 
afternoon I almost dreaded to appear in his 
presence. However, let my treatment be what 
it would, I wished it over and accordingly 
went. 

I was introduced to him by one of his Aids 
— He received me very cordially, gave me his 
hand, and said "Mr. Rotch will you have some 

dinner ? I can give you good bread, though 

the Rebels say we have none." I thanked him 

saying I had dined " Well, will you take 

a glass of wine ? " I answered " I have no ob- 
jection if thou canst put up with my plain 

way " The glass was filled, with his own, 

and those of all the Officers at table as a 

stranger introduced, they all drank to me be- 
fore I put the glass to my lips 1 then ob- 
served to the General, " As I mentioned before 
[ 11 ] 



MEMORANDUM BY 

if thou couldst put up with my plain way, I 
was willing to take wine with thee, but as we 
as a society disuse these ceremonies, I have 
always found it best to keep to my profession, 
let me be in what Company I may. Therefore 
I hope my not making a like return will not 
be accepted as apy mark of disrespect, for I 
assure thee it is not the case." His answer 
was, " Oh, no, if a Quaker will but he a 

Quaker, it is all I want of him — But is no 

Quaker " (naming one of our profession) 

and I was sorry for the cause of his remark. 

After some conversation, I mentioned that 
I did not wish to intrude further on his time, 
and rose to retire — " Oh no," says he, " you 
must take Coffee." I accordingly stopped. He 
was full of conversation respecting the siege of 
the Americans, and made it a very trifling 
thing. I then mentioned (the French Fleet be- 
ing at that time before the Town) that twelve 
capital ships being before the Town we thought 
was much against them. 

C 12 ] 



WILLIAM KOTCH 

" To be sure," said he, " it is not very pleas- 
ant, but we do not mind them." 

I then gladly got away. We applied to Ma- 
jor Wiuslow formerly of Plymouth to intro- 
duce us to Colonel Fanning who was the prin- 
cipal. When we mentioned our situation, that 
we were likely to be destroyed, the Colonel 
was very high, saying we might join the Eng- 
lish then We observed that such a step 

would inevitably destroy us. " Well, said 

he, I have been destroyed also" — (I believe 
he was Governor of North Carolina at the be- 
ginning of the War) — Major Winslow en- 
deavored to soften him by representing our 
peculiar situation, but there seemed little pros- 
pect of anything favorable when we parted. 
They had a Board of Refugees established. 
Colonel Fanning President, who would hear us 
when they met. We accordingly attended, and 
found Fanning very mild, and disposed to alle- 
viate our sufferings — and as we proposed 
applying to the Commanders in New York, we 
[ 13 ] 



MEMORANDUM BY 

asked if they would put off their expedition, 
until they could know the result of our mission 
there. 

Fanning thought this reasonable, and put 

the question to all the Principals there 

They readily agreed until it came to Leonard, 
who very reluctantly gave his assent. 

We then proceeded to New York, and ap- 
plied to the Commanders, Commodore Sir 
George Collier of the Navy, and Sir Henry 
Clinton of the Army. On representing our 
case to Sir George, he readily gave us an 
Order, forbidding any British armed Vessel to 
take any thing out of our harbor. This was a 
great relief. 

I then laid before him the state of our cap- 
tured seamen, that all the exchange of prison- 
ers at that time was partial, that as we made 
no prisoners, we had none to exchange, conse- 
quently ours remained in the Prison Ships until 
they mostly died. On his understanding the 
reasonableness of the request, he ordered that 
[ 14 ] 



WILL.IABI ROTCH 

all our men should be released that were not 
taken in armed vessels (for such we had no 
right to apply) and that it should not be so in 
future as long as he had the command. 

We also applied to Sir Henry Clinton 
through one of his Aids. (Major Andrd that 
fine young man who lost his life as a Spy.) 
We could get no written order from him, but 
he intimated that he would direct that those in 
his department should not molest us, which no 
doubt he did, as they gave over their expedi- 
tion, and we had* a little quiet, until Sir George 
Collier's command was superceded by the ar- 
rival of Admiral Arbuthnot, and the shaving 
mills then came upon us. 

Timothy Folger was then sent to New York, 
and he obtained a like Order as that from Sir 
George Collier. Added to this, he got Permits 
for a few vessels, about fifteen, to whale on 
our Coast, which were successful, but it was 
with great difficulty that distinction could be 
made between British and American armed 
[ 15 ] 



3IEMORANDUM BY 

vessels, as the latter would make prize of us if 
British Permits were found. 

I now come to the most trying scene in my 
experience during the War, — which was being 
with four others impeached for High Treason 
by Thomas Jenkins, where there was no step 
between being clear, and death. 

The laws of this state at that time made it 
high treason for any person to go to a British 
Port without the consent of the Court. 

We were well assured that if we applied we 
should be refused, and if we did not apply to 
the British, we should from every appearance 
be destroyed by them. Under serious consider- 
ation I was willing to be joined to the two 
others before mentioned and proceed, as with 
our lives in our hands. This was made one of 
the great charges among others in the Im- 
peaclunent, a copy of which will be annexed. 

We were examined before a Committee of 
the Court on the Impeachment, but knowing 
we were to appear again when the witnesses 
[ 16 ] 



WILLIAM ROTCH 

should attend, we made no defence, which we 
afterwards found was an error in judgment. 

By this means the Court thought us guilty, 
and were about making out an Order to the 
Grand Jury, to find a Bill against us and com- 
mit us to Prison, which if it had taken place 
would have been in the severe winter of 1780. 

But happily ray much valued friend Walter 
Spooner Esqr, a member of the Court, just 
then arrived, perceived the business before 
the Court, and came to us for information. 
We told him we had reserved our defence for 
the second examination. He considered us in 
an error, and said we must send for Jenkins 
who resided at Lynn, and have another exam- 
ination, and he would get the Court to stay 
their proceeding until this should be done. 

We accordingly all met before the Commit- 
tee, General Ward a worthy character in the 
Chair. 

It was put to me first to answer to the high 
charges. (When I rose he politely told me I 
C 17 ] 



MEMORANDUM BY 

need not rise — I thanked him, but my heart 
was so full that my tongue seemed incapable 
of utterance while sitting.) I answered to the 
charges in such a manner as fully to convince 
the Committee of our innocence — When it 
was finished, the Chairman, I have no doubt 
from a desire to put our minds at ease, asked 
me when we expected to return home — I re- 
plied that he could better judge of that than 
I could — (being now in custody) — He then 
asked me if I would take the supeneas for the 
witnesses to Nantucket, and deliver them to 
the sheriff. This was also to console our minds. 
I answered in the affirmative if he thought 
proper to entrust me with them. I accordingly 
took and delivered them. 

In the spring following we appeared again 
with Twelve out of Twenty witnesses, who 
were all I could get to attend, and then had 
another full examination. 

Before we entered upon it I desired liberty 
to ask Jenkins a question, which was granted. 
C 18 ] 



WILLIAM ROTCH 

Some of his friends had propagated a report, 
that I had offered him money, if he would 
withdraw his Complaint. I then put the ques- 
tion to him, whether I had ever made him any 
offer of the kind — But it irritated him — I 
therefore went no further in a question to 
him, but desired liberty to make my declara- 
tion, before we entered on the charges In the 
complaint, which was readily granted. I then 
said, " I now declare in the most solemn man- 
ner, that I never have, directly or Indirectly, 
by myself, or by any person for me, proposed 
or offered one farthing to Thomas Jenkins 
to withdraw, or in any way to mitigate the 
charges in his complaint now exhibited." 

I looked over the charges, and made my 
Defence Article by Article — and when I had 
gone through the whole, I observed to the 
Committee, that if I had not answered clearly 
to their satisfaction, if they would put any 
question that they thought would throw more 
light on the subject, I would answer it without 
' [ 19 ] 



MEMORANDUM BY 

equivocation or mental reservation. The Chair- 
man General Ward made me a low bow, and 
asked no question, by which they appeared 
satisfied. 

They then took the Complaint, and exam- 
ined the witnesses, one by one upon each 
charge — " What do you know of this Mr 
such a one?" (reading the Charge) "noth- 
ing " — and so to the next, and throughout 
the whole charges, and the whole Witnesses, 
when "nothing" was the universal answer, 
except from Marshall Jenkins — He began 
to tell what the Refugees told him at the 
Vineyard when they returned from Nan- 
tucket. 

The Chairman stopped him, and said, " were 
you at Nantucket ? " He answered " no " — 
" Then you can give no evidence." 

One charge against me was corresponding 

with the Enemy. This correspondence was a 

letter given to Ebenezer Coffin, addressed to 

General Prescot, requesting the release of 

[ 20 ] 



WILLIAM ROTCH 

his son, and assuring him that he had not 
been in an armed vessel. 

This same Ebenezer acquainted his Brother 
Alexander that I had furnished him with this 
letter, who used his utmost against me. 

The Committee were composed of the two 
Branches, the House and Senate, who reported 
to their several Departments. The House 
then took the vote and cleared us fully except 
one single vote. But the Senate in their vote 
held us — The House then desired the Sen- 
ate to appoint a Committee of conference, and 
they would do the same. They met, and re- 
ported, each Branch adhering to their former 
vote. 

Thus we were discharged by the House, and 
held by the Senate, (but not detained) and so 
it remained until we were set at liberty by 
the Peace. 

In the Complaint I was charged with being 
the means of preventing a Brig which had 
much of Jenkins's property on board from 
[ 21 ] 



MEMORANDUM B Y 

being re-taken — I suppose that was the 
case, by reasoning with the Owners of the 
Vessel then present. 

The seven armed vessels had now gone over 
the Bar, and anchored, waiting for the flowing 
of the tide to take the Brig out — It was 
then suggested by some hot-headed men, that 
they could re-take her — I admitted it, but 
asked the Owners if it would be an even stake, 
observing " they have now got what they 
will take at this time, and if this vessel is 
stopped, it will bring the whole seven armed 
vessels into the harbor again, and no doubt 
the destruction of the Town will be the conse- 
quence " — For there was no effective force 
to prevent it. " If you (the Owners) will let 
her go, I am willing to contribute to the loss 
of Vessel and Goods on board, in the same 
proportion that I should pay in a Tax of equal 
amount " — A great number of people were 
present, who generally united in the proposal. 
The Owners let the Vessel go, and I con- 
[ 22 ] 



WILLIAM ROTCH 

tributed Seven Hundred and Twenty dollars 
toward the loss of the property, which was 
more than double my proportion of a like 
Tax. 

When this circumstance was known while 
we were in Boston, it raised great indignation 
against Jenkins, that such a charge should be 
in the Complaint, when I had made double 
compensation to what I ought. 

In a conversation at the time of our exam- 
ination with him, several others present, I 
understood him that I ought to make some 
concession. My answer was "if turning my 
hand over by way of concession, would with- 
draw the Complaint, I will never do it — If 
my innocence will not protect me, and my life 
should be taken, my blood will be required at 
thy hands " — This shocked him very much, 
but it did not last long, as he told some of his 
friends that he believed Samuel Starbuck and 
myself were clear. They then asked him why 
he did not take our names out of the Com- 
[ 23 ] 



WILLIAM ROTCH 

should attend, we made no defence, which we 
afterwards found was an error in judgment. 

By this means the Court thought us guilty, 
and were about making out an Order to the 
Grand Jury, to find a Bill against us and com- 
mit us to Prison, which if it had taken place 
would have been in the severe winter of 1780. 

But happily my much valued friend Walter 
Spooner Esqr, a member of the Court, just 
then arrived, perceived the business before 
the Court, and came to us for information. 
We told him we had reserved our defence for 
the second examination. He considered us in 
an error, and said we must send for Jenkins 
who resided at Lynn, and have another exam- 
ination, and he would get the Court to stay 
their proceeding until this should be done. 

We accordingly all met before the Commit- 
tee, General Ward a worthy character in the 
Chair. 

It was put to me first to answer to the high 
charges. (When I rose he politely told me I 
[ 17 ] 



MEMORANDUM BY 

need not rise — I thanked him, bvit my heart 
was so full that my tongue seemed incapable 
of utterance while sitting.) I answered to the 
charges in such a manner as fully to convince 
the Committee of our innocence — When it 
was finished, the Chairman, I have no doubt 
from a desire to put our minds at ease, asked 
me when we expected to return home — I re- 
plied that he could better judge of that than 
I could — (being now in custody) — He then 
asked me if I would take the supeneas for the 
witnesses to Nantucket, and deliver them to 
the sheriff. This was also to console our minds. 
I answered in the affirmative if he thought 
proper to entrust me with them. I accordingly 
took and delivered them. 

In the spring following we appeared again 
with Twelve out of Twenty witnesses, who 
were all I could get to attend, and then had 
another full examination. 

Before we entered upon it I desired liberty 
to ask Jenkins a question, which was granted. 
C 18 ] 



WILLIA3I ROTCH 

Some of his friends had propagated a report, 
that I had offered him money, if he would 
withdraw his Complaint. I then put the ques- 
tion to him, whether I had ever made him any 
offer of the kind — But it irritated him — I 
therefore went no further in a question to 
him, but desired liberty to make my declara- 
tion, before we entered on the charges in the 
complaint, which was readily granted. I then 
said, " I now declare in the most solemn man- 
ner, that I never have, directly or indirectly, 
by myself, or by any person for me, proposed 
or offered one farthing to Thomas Jenkins 
to withdraw, or in any way to mitigate the 
charges in his complaint now exhibited." 

I looked over the charges, and made my 
Defence Article by Article — and when I had 
gone through the whole, I observed to the 
Committee, that if I had not answered clearly 
to their satisfaction, if they would put any 
question that they thought would throw more 
light on the subject, I would answer it without 
' [ 19 ] 



MEMORANDUM BY 

equivocation or mental reservation. The Chair- 
man General Ward made me a low bow, and 
asked no question, by which they appeared 
satisfied. 

They then took the Complaint, and exam- 
ined the witnesses, one by one upon each 
charge — " What do you know of this Mr 
such a one?" (reading the Charge) "noth- 
ing" — and so to the next, and throughout 
the whole charges, and the whole Witnesses, 
when "nothing" was the universal answer, 
except from Marshall Jenkins — He began 
to tell what the Eefugees told him at the 
Vineyard when they returned from Nan- 
tucket. 

The Chairman stopped him, and said, " were 
you at Nantucket ? " He answered " no " — 
" Then you can give no evidence." 

One charge against me was corresponding 

with the Enemy. This correspondence was a 

letter given to Ebenezer Coffin, addressed to 

General Prescot, requesting the release of 

[ 20 ] 



WILLIAM BOTCH 

his son, aud assuring him that he had not 
been in an armed vessel. 

This same Ebenezer acquainted his Brother 
Alexander that I had furnished him with this 
letter, who used his utmost against me. 

The Committee were composed of the two 
Branches, the House and Senate, who reported 
to their several Departments. The House 
then took the vote and cleared us fully except 
one single vote. But the Senate in their vote 
held us — The House then desired the Sen- 
ate to appoint a Committee of conference, and 
they would do the same. They met, and re- 
ported, each Branch adhering to their former 
vote. 

Thus we were discharged by the House, and 
held by the Senate, (but not detained) and so 
it remained until we were set at liberty by 
the Peace. 

In the Complaint I was charged with being 
the means of preventing a Brig which had 
much of Jenkins's property on board from 
[ 21 ] 



MEMORANDUM BY 

being re-taken — I suppose that was the 
case, by reasoning with the Owners of the 
Vessel then present. 

The seven armed vessels had now gone over 
the Bar, and anchored, waiting for the flowing 
of the tide to take the Brig out — It was 
then suggested by some hot-headed men, that 
they could re-take her — I admitted it, but 
asked the Owners if it would be an even stake, 
observing " they have now got what they 
will take at this time, and if this vessel is 
stopped, it will bring the whole seven armed 
vessels into the harbor again, and no doubt 
the destruction of the Town will be the conse- 
quence " — For there was no effective force 
to prevent it. " If you (the Owners) will let 
her go, I am willing to contribute to the loss 
of Vessel and Goods on board, in the same 
proportion that I should pay in a Tax of equal 
amount " — A great number of people were 
present, who generally united in the proposal. 
The Owners let the Vessel go, and I con- 
[ 22 ] 



WILLIAM ROTCH 

tributed Seven Hundred and Twenty dollars 
toward the loss of the property, which was 
more than double my proportion of a like 
Tax. 

When this circumstance was known while 
we were in Boston, it raised great indignation 
against Jenkins, that such a charge should be 
in the Complaint, when I had made double 
compensation to what I ought. 

In a conversation at the time of our exam- 
ination with him, several others present, I 
understood him that I ought to make some 
concession. My answer was "if turning my 
hand over by way of concession, would with- 
draw the Complaint, I will never do it — If 
my innocence will not protect me, and my life 
should be taken, my blood will be required at 
thy hands " — This shocked him very much, 
but it did not last long, as he told some of his 
friends that he believed Samuel Starbuck and 
myself were clear. They then asked him why 
he did not take our names out of the Com- 
[ 23 ] 



I — 

MEMORANDUM BY 

plaint — He replied "because it suits me 
best to keep them in." 

So callous a heart I hope is not often to be 
met with, thus playing with our lives as with 
a Tennis Ball. I am glad to leave this tragic 
scene and proceed 

Some-time in the Year 1780 Admiral Ar- 
buthnot returned to England, and Admiral 
Digby succeeded him. As soon as Arbuthnot 
was gone, those plundering Refugees were 
upon us again, our protection having ceased 
by his Departure. This renewed our perplex- 
ity. The Town was convened to consult about 
measures to prevent destruction The re- 
sult was to send a Committee again to New 
York, to solicit an Order from Admiral Digby 
similar to that which we had before. It was 
proposed for me to go with two others. I had 
then been confined nearly nine months with 
the Rheumatism, had just left my crutches, 
and was hobbling about with a cane — There- 
fore I could not think of such an uudertak- 
[ 24 ] 




WIT.LIAiNl ROTCH 



W I L li I A M ROTCH 

ing. But all others utterly refused to go, un- 
less I would accompany them. This brought 

a great straight on my mind To go I 

thought I could not, and to omit it seemed 
almost inevitable destruction. At last I con- 
sented, under great apprehension that I should 
not live to return. "We accordingly set sail, 
and when we were ofiE Rhode Island, I was 
obliged to have them go to the East side of 
the Island, and lay there several days, for my 
pain was so great that I could not bear the 

motion of the vessel But we got safe to 

New York in a few days after it abated. 

Admiral Digby had arrived Commodore 

Affleck (since Admiral) still being there, and 
he having kindly assisted in getting the Per- 
mits for a few whaling vessels the year before, 

we applied first to him We asked him to 

introduce us to the Admiral, and assist us in 
procuring protection against their cruisers in 
our harbor, and some Permits for the Fishery. 

He looked very stern, and said, " I don't 
[ 25 ] 



MEMORANDUM BY 

know how you can have the face to ask any 
indulgence of us — I assisted in getting Per- 
mits for you last year, which I have been very 
sorry for. I find that you have abused the 

confidence we placed in you, for Captain 

who cruised in Boston Bay and its vicinity told 
me that he could hardly find a vessel but what 
had the Permits, and you deserve no favor" 
&c &c — I heard him patiently through, while 
he was giving us such a lecture, knowing I 

could overthrow it all I then answered 

" Commodore Affleck thou hast been greatly 
imposed upon in this matter. I defy Captain 

to make such a declaration to my face. 

Those Permits were put into my hands 1 

delivered them, taking receipts for each, to be 
returned to me at the end of the voyage, and 
an obligation that no transfer should be made, 
nor copies given. I received back all the Per- 
mits except two before I left home, and should 
probably have received those two on the day 
that I sailed. Now if any such duplicity has 
[ 26 ] 



WILLIAM KOTCH 

been practiced, I am the person who is account- 
able, and I am now here to take the punish- 
ment such perfidy deserves." 

He immediately became placid, and said, 
"You deserve favor. I am now going to the 
Admiral — do you be there in an hour " — We 

attended punctually He introduced us to 

the Admiral, and informed him that his prede- 
cessor Admiral Arbuthnot granted the people of 
Nantucket a few Permits for the Fishery last 
year, adding, " and I can assure your Excel- 
lency they have made no bad use of them." 

Thus after a storm came a pleasant calm. 
We obtained an Order, as heretofore, respect- 
ing the property in our harbor, and Twenty 
four Permits for the Fishery — And I returned 
home much improved in my health. 

It was necessary to secrete these Documents 
from American Cruisers, but such was the diffi- 
culty of distinguishing them, that two were 
presented to American armed vessels, who im- 
mediately took the vessels as prizes. This occa- 
[ 27 ] 



M E M O R A N D U 31 BY 

sioned us to pursue other means for the secur- 
ity of this small privilege, though a very use- 
ful one to us, which I shall mention hereafter. 

We were now brought into the most emi- 
nent danger, which no human effort could check, 
much less prevent. Nothing short of the inter- 
position of Divine Providence preserved us from 
apparent ruin. Several Sloops of War, and a 
number of Transports intended paying us a de- 
structive visit. They were in sight of us in the 
day time three days, near Cape Poag (Martha's 
Vineyard) — They got under way three morn- 
ings successively, and stood for the Island with a 
fair wind, which each morning soon came round 
against them, and the tide by that time became 
unfavorable, which obliged them to return to 
their anchorage still in view of us. 

Before they could make the fourth attempt, 
Orders came for their return to New York for 
some other Expedition. 

Thus we were mercifully relieved for that 
time, after more fearful apprehension than any 
[ 28 ] 



WILLIAM ROTCH 

we had before witnessed. Messengers were ar- 
riving one after another, and twice I was called 
up in the night with the disagreeable informa- 
tion that they were at hand. A solemn time in- 
deed it was, and can never be obliterated from 
my memory while life and reason are vouch- 
safed. 

We had a few restless Spirits amongst us, 
who were continually involving us in perplexity 
whenever opportunity offered. From a mis- 
representation it was sometimes charged upon 
the Inhabitants at large, though without the 
least foundation, therefore this Armament was 
prepared to strip us of what could be found. 

When this misrepresentation was discovered, 
those who authorized the Expedition appeared 
very glad that it was not executed. 

I was one with ten men, and two Women 
friends, captured in going to our Quarterly 
meeting at Sandwich, by a British Privateer 
from New York. They had just before taken a 
Cedar Boat, and ordered us to depart in it im- 
C 29 ] 



MEMORANDUM BY 

mediately, having first plundered us of what 
money they could find, but they took neither 
baggage nor provisions from us. 

The Vessel was mine, and I pleaded earnestly 
for her, and sometimes nearly obtained a ma- 
jority to give her to us — But another Can of 
Grog would be stirred up by those who would 
not consent to release her, and this never failed 
to gain several to their side. They repeatedly 
ordered us into the boat and to be gone, but we 
refused, still pleading for our vessel, 'till the 
Captain of the Privateer called to the Prize 
Master, to know why he did not send us away. 
He replied " they will not go." He then sent a 
furious fellow to drive us off. Samuel Starbuck 
and myself were standing together, he ap- 
proached us with a violent countenance, and 
uplifted Cutlass, saying " Begone into the boat, 
or I '11 cut your heads off." I looked him earn- 
estly in the face, eye to eye, and with a pretty 
stern accent, said " I am not afraid of thy cut- 
ting my head off — We are prisoners, treat us 
C 30 ] 



WILIilAM ROTCH 

as such, and not talk of cutting our heads off." — 
He dropped his arm with his cutlass, and seemed 
very much struck at my boldness. 

There were now two vessels coming rapidly 
in pursuit of them, and we thought it was time 
to be off. They soon retook our vessel, and 
pursued the Privateer, and took her, but the 
men left her in their boat, and got on shore on 
the Vineyard. They hunted them, and took all 
except that one who threatened to cut off our 
heads, and he made his escape. 

Our vessel being retaken, I recovered her by 
paying salvage, as did a young man the most 
of his money, who had two hundred dollars 
taken from him. 

I now return to the Permits granted us by 
Admiral Digby. The American Cruisers gen- 
erally had knowledge of our whaling Vessels 
having them, therefore every deception and 
disguise was resorted to, to entrap them. They 
were too successful in drawing the Permit from 
two and taking them as prizes. 
C 31 ] 



MEMORANDUM BY 

It was now evident that we could proceed 
no further without having Permits from hoth 
contending Powers. Accordingly the Town was 
convened, and Samuel Starbuck and myself 
were sent to Congress, to represent our dis- 
tressed situation, an endeavor to obtain their 
permission, as well as that of the British for a 
few vessels. 

We set off in mid-winter and arrived in Phila- 
delphia where Congress was sitting. We opened 
our business first to General Lincoln, Samuel 
Osgood, Nathaniel Gorham, and Thomas Fitz- 
simmons. The first was Minister of War, the 
others were members of Congress. The last a 
great commercial man. To them we opened our 

whole business We drew up a Memorial 

but did not present it until we had an oppor- 
tunity of stating our case, to the most influen- 
tial members. Among them was President 
Madison, who as well as others, treated us with 
great civility, and seemed to take an interest 
in our sufferings. 

[ 32 ] 



WILLIAM KOTCH 

We went to one of the Massachusetts Mem- 
bers, who resided in Boston. He was extremely 
prejudiced against us. I fell in with him alone, 
and conversed about two hours with him, en- 
deavoring to impress him with our situation, 
and the necessity of our having the aid of Con- 
gress, but apparently with little effect. At last 
I asked him three questions, which were " is 
the whale fishery worth preserving to this 
Country ? " — " Yes " — " Can it be preserved 
in the present state of things by any place ex- 
cept Nantucket ? " — " No " — " Can we pursue 
it unless you and the British will both give us 
Permits?" — "No" — "Then pray where is 
the difficulty ? " — Thus we parted. We re- 
ported this conversation to our beforemen- 
tioned friends. 

We had now drawn our Memorial, and 
desired them to look it over. They approved 
it, and advised us to get the same person to 
present it. Accordingly we repaired to his 
apartments, requested him to examine it, and 
[ 33 ] 



M E M O R A N I> U M BY 

give us his judgment whether our statement 
appeared correct. He approved it — We then 
requested him to present it to Congress, if it 
was agreeable to him to do so — He accepted, 
and presented it accordingly. It was deliber- 
ated upon in Congress, and a disposition ap- 
peared to give their aid in its accomplishment. 
They eventually granted us Permits for Thirty 
five vessels for the Whale Fishery. 

They were delivered to us, and the next day 
a Vessel arrived from Europe, bringing a ru- 
mor of a Provincial Treaty of Peace having 
been signed by our Ministers and the British 
Government, to take place when the Peace 
between England and France should be con- 
cluded. And it was not long before an official 
account of it reached Philadelphia. 

Thus ended this destructive War, with the 
separation of the United States from Great 
Britain. 

Our arduous labors, after five or six weeks 
attention, were now terminated, and might 
[ »4 3 



WILIilAM ROTCH 

have been spared, if we had apprehended 
Peace had been so near. The British were still 
to hold New York, and other Territories now 
ceded to the United States, for a limited time. 
I obtained liberty to proceed to that City to 
accomplish some business, and then returned 
home. 

The happy return of Peace was now enjoyed 
in the United States, but poor Nantucket, 
whose distresses did not end with the War, 
though rejoiced at the event, still seemed 
doomed for a time to ruin in the Whale Fish- 
ery. Separated from Great Britain, the only 
market of any consequence for Sperm Oil, we 
were necessarily brought under the Alien Duty 
of 18 pounds Sterling pr Ton — A duty laid 
upon Aliens to encourage British Subjects. 
Such we then were, but this duty had its 
full force on us. Sperm Oil was sold at Nan- 
tucket after the Peace at 17 pounds Sterlg 
pr Ton, which before we were separated was 
worth nearly 30 pounds Sterling. 25 pounds 
[ 35 ] 



MEMORANDUM BY 

Sterling was necessary at that time to cover 
the expences, and leave a very moderate profit 
to the Owners. Thus a loss of nearly 8 pounds 
Sterlg pr Ton attended the business. 

We continued it for two years at a certain 
loss, with a hope that some more favorable 
turn might take place. But no such prospect 
appearing, and the loss I had sustained by 
Captures in the Revolutionary War (about 
$60,000) had so reduced my property, that I 
found it necessary to seek some new expedient 
to prevent the loss of all. I found no probable 
alternative but to proceed to England, and 
endeavor to pursue the Fishery from there. 

I accordingly took passage in the Ship Ma- 
ria, William Mooers Master, accompanied by 
my son Benjamin, and sailed from Nantucket 
on the 4th of 7th month 1785. We had a fine 
passage of Twenty three days, five of which, 
having Easterly winds, we gained only one 
day's sail forward in that time. I proceeded to 
London, calling on my old friend Doctor Wil- 
[ 36 ] 




THE SHIP MARIA 



W I li li I A M ROTCH 

Ham Cooper at Rochester, (who with his fam- 
ily went to England in this same ship two 
years before) and requesting him to accom- 
pany me to London, which he kindly did. 

When we reached Shooter's Hill, in full 
view of London, and Eight miles distant, forc- 
ibly feeling the great distance which separated 
rae from my family, myself a stranger in that 
land, the occasion that drew me there, and the 
uncertainty of its answering any valuable pur- 
pose, I was overwhelmed with sorrow, and my 
spirits so depressed, that in looking toward 
that great City, no pleasant pictures were pre- 
sented to ray view. But I found it would not 
do to give way to despondence, reason resumed 
her empire, I was there, and something must 
be attempted. 

We reached London, and I took lodgings 
for myself and my son Benjamin at Thomas 
Wagstaff's in Gracechurch Street. Our first 
Journey was to the West of England, in which 
we had the agreeable company of my friend 
C 37 ] 



MEMORANDUM BY 

James Phillips. We visited the Sea Coast from 
Southampton, to Falmouth, in search of a good 
situation for the Whale Fishery, if we should 
conclude to form an Establishment on that 
Island. We found several Ports suitable for 
the purpose, but none that we preferred to Fal- 
mouth. In that large Harbor, there are several 
smaller, that would do well for the business. I 
had very favorable offers of divers places, but 
I was only on discovery, and did not wish to 
entangle myself with any. After viewing the 
Coast, and spending some days at Plymouth, 
we took a circuitous route, and returned to 

London. At Bristol I visited the Grave 

of my Brother Joseph, who died there Eighteen 
Years before. 

My next Object was to know what encour- 
agement we could obtain from the British 
Government. 

My friend Robert Barclay perceiving what 
my business was, spoke to Harry Beaufoy, a 
Member of Parliament who introduced me to 
[ 38 ] 



WILLIAM ROTCH 

the Chancellor of the Exchequer (the great 
William Pitt then about Twenty seven years 
of age.) 

He received me politely, and heard me pa- 
tiently. I laid before him our ruinous situation, 
saying " when the War begun, we declared 
against taking any part in it, and strenuously 
adhered to this determination, thus placing 
ourselves as a Neutral Island. Nevertheless you 
have taken from us about Two Hundred sail 
of Vessels, valued at 200,000 pounds Sterling, 
unjustly and illegally. Had that War been 
founded on a general Declaration against 
America, we should have been included in it, 
but it was predicated on a Rebellion, conse- 
quently none could be in Rebellion but such 
as were in arms, or those that were aiding 
such. We have done neither. As a proof of 
our being without the reach of your Declara- 
tion, you sent Commissioners to restore peace 
to America, in which any Province, County, 
Town &c that should make submission, and 
[ 39 ] 



MEMORANDUM BY 

receive pardon, should be reinstated in their 
former situation. As we had not offended, we 
had no submission to make, nor pardon to ask 
— and it is certainly very hard if we do not 
stand on better ground than those who have 
offended, consequently we remained a part of 
your Dominions until separated by the Peace." 

This last sentence I pressed closely, wherever 
I could with propriety introduce it, knowing it 
was a material point. 

After I had done he paused some time, and 
then answered to our remaining a part of their 
Dominions until separated by the Peace 

" most undoubtedly you are right Sir Now 

what can be done for you ? " 

I told him that in the present state of things, 
the principal part of our Inhabitants must leave 
the Island. — Some would go into the Coun- 
try " A part " said I " wish to continue the 

Whale Fishery, wherever it can be pursued 

to advantage Therefore, my chief business 

is to lay our distressed situation, and the cause 
[ 40 ] 



WILLIAM ROTCH 

of it, before this Nation, and to ascertain if 
the Fishery is considered an Object worth giv- 
ing such encouragement for a removal to Eng- 
land, as the subject deserves." 

Thus our conversation ended, and I with- 
drew with my friend H. Beaufoy. 

The Chancellor of the Exchequer could not 
be expected to attend to all applications, and 
I suppose he laid mine before the Privy Coun- 
cil, as the Secretary of the Council Stephen 
Cotterel sent me a note soon after this conver- 
sation, saying the Council would sit at an early 
day, when they would hear what I had to 
offer. I waited for that early day a month, 
and then applied to Secretary Cotterel to 

know what occasioned the delay The answer 

was, that so much business lay before them, 
that they had not been able to attend to it, 
but would soon. 

Thus I waited, not daring to leave Town 
lest I should be called for. This state of things 
continued more than four months, during 
[ 41 ] 



MEMORANDUM BY 

which time I received several, what I called 
unmeaning Court messages, " that they were 
sorry they had not been able to call for me " 
&c — 

I then desired them to appoint some person 
for me to confer with, that the matter might 
be brought to a close. This was done — But un- 
happily Lord Hawksbury was the person. A 
greater Enemy to America, I believe, could 
not be found in that Body, nor hardly in the 
Nation. 

I waited on him, and informed him what 
encouragement I thought would induce a re- 
moval, which I estimated at 100 pounds-Ster- 
ling transportation for a family of five per- 
sons, and 100 pounds settlement. Say 20,000 
pounds — for a hundred families. " Oh ! " 
" says he, this is a great sum, and at this time 
when we are endeavoring to economise in our 
expenditures." I replied, " Thou mayst think 
it a great sum for this Nation to pay, /think 
two thirds of it a great sum for you to have 
[ 42 ] 



WILLIAM ROTCH 

taken from me as an Individual, unjustly and 
illegally." We had a long conversation, and I 
left him to call again, which I did in a few 
days. 

I then added to my demand the liberty to 
bring in Thirty American Ships for the Fish- 
ery. "Oh no," said he, "that cannot be, our 
Carpenters must be employed." I mentioned 
that we had some Vessels that we possessed 
before the War — " Those can surely be ad- 
mitted " — " No — they must be British built." 
" Will it be any advantage, if an Emigra- 
tion takes place, for the Emigrants to bring 
property with them ? " "Yes " — " If they can 
invest their property in Articles that will be 
worth double here to what they are there, will 
that be an additional advantage to this Coun- 
try ? " " Yes — certainly " — " Then why not 
bring ships, when two of ours will not cost more 
than one of yours?" — "Oh we don't make 
mercantile calculations, 't is Seamen we want " 
— — " Then surely two of our Ships will answer 
[ 43 ] 



MEMORANDUM BY 

your purpose better than one of yours, as they 
will make double the number of Seamen, 
which must be the very thing aimed at." He 
saw that he was in a Dilemma, which he could 
not reason himself out of, and struggled through 
with some violence. 

He had now made his nice calculation of 87 
pounds-10 for transportation, and settlement 
of a family — and says he, "I am about a 
Fishery Bill, and I want to come to something 

that I may insert it " &c. My answer was, 

" Thy offer is no Object, therefore go on with 
thy Fishery Bill, without any regard to me." 

I was then taking leave, and withdrawing 

" Well, Mr. Eotch, you '11 call on me again 
in two or three days." " I see no necessity for 

it " " But I desire you would " — " If it 

is thy desire perhaps I may call." 

However, he let me rest but one day before 

he sent for me. He had the old story over 

again, but I told him it was unnecessary to 

enter again into the subject. I then informed 

[ 44 ] 



WILLIAM ROTCH 

him that I had heard a rumor that Nantucket 
had agreed to furnish France with a quantity 
of Oil. He stepped to his Bureau, took out 
one of a file of papers, and pretended to read 
an entire contradiction, though I was satisfied 
there was not a line there on the subject. 

I said, " it was only a vague report that I 
heard, and I cannot vouch for the truth of it 

But we are like drowning men, catching at 

every straw that passes by, therefore I am now 
determined to go to France, and see what it 
is — If there is any such contract, suflicient 
to retain us at Nantucket, neither you, nor any 
other Nation ghall have us, and if it is insuffi- 
cient, I will endeavor to enlarge it." 

" Ah ! " says he, " Quakers go to France ? " 

"Yes," I replied, "but with regret." I 

then parted with Lord Hawksbury for the 
last time. 

I immediately embarked with my Son for 
Dunkirk, where I drew up our proposals, and 
sent them to Paris, not wishing to proceed 
C 45 ] 



M E M O R A N D U 31 B Y 

further, until I found the disposition of the 
French Court. They sent for us to come im- 
mediately — We lost no time in answering the 
summons, and soon reached Paris. The Master 
of Requests who was the proper Minister to 
receive our proposals, and to make his re- 
marks on the several Articles, had examined 
them, and made his remarks accordingly. The 
propositions were 

1st A full and free enjoyment of our 
Religion, according to the prin- 
ciples of the people called Quak- 
ers 

To which he annexed, "Accord^." 
2nd An entire exemption from Mili- 
tary requisitions of every kind. 

To this he annexed the follow- 
ing just remark, " as they are a 
peaceable people, and meddle not 
with the quarrels of Princes, nei- 
ther internal nor external, this 
proposition may be granted." 
[ 46 ] 



WILLIAM KOTCH 

The other propositions related to the regu- 
lation of the Whale Fishery. 

We next proceeded to the several other 
Ministers at Versailles, five in number. First 
to Calone Comptroller of Finance — We gave 
our reasons for not taking off our hats on in- 
troduction, to them all — Calone replied, "I 
care nothing about your hats, if your hearts 
are right" — Next, to the aged Vergennes, 
Minister of Foreign affairs — Then to the Mar- 
shall DeCastre Minister of Marine — To the 
Prince of Reubec Generalissimo of Flanders — 

and last to the Intendaut of Flanders, 

who all agreed to my proposals. 

We then returned to Paris, and were to 
visit Versailles again, to take leave, according 
to the Etiquette of the Court. Before we set 
off one of the Ministers asked us if we did 
not wish to see the Palace. We excused our- 
selves, as we did not think curiosity would 
justify us, if our plain way would give any 
offence. While we remained in Paris we re- 
C 47 ] 



MEMORANDUM BY 

ceived a note, saying the Minister had spoken 
to the King who gave full liberty for the Nan- 
tucket Friends (avoiding the name of Quakers 
when they found that it was given us in re- 
proach) to visit the Palace, both its public 
and private apartments, when he was out 
(which was almost every day) — 

To view the private Apartments was a great 
indulgence, not often granted except to per- 
sons of note. But unfavorably for us, the 
King did not happen to be out on the day we 
went to take leave, which was a disappoint- 
ment, but we went through the public Apart- 
ments, and into the Cha]3el. When we hesitated 
at the latter, the Officer insisted on our enter- 
ing in our own way, showing us every thing 
remarkable, and pointing out the places occu- 
pied by the Royal Family in time of Mass, 
&c 

We now took leave and returned to London. 

After I was gone to France Lord Hawks- 
bury became alarmed, and enquired of Harry 
[ 48 ] 



WILLIAM KOTCH 

Beaufoy if I was gone to France — He an- 
swered in the affirmative " Why is he 

gone there ? " — " For what you or any other 

person would have gone You would not 

make him an offer worth his acceptance 

He will now try what can be done in France." 
Alexander Champion wrote to me, I suppose 
at Lord Hawksbury's request, to inform me 
that he had made provision in his Fishery 
Bill for us, and inserted liberty to bring in 
Forty Ships, instead of Thirty which I de- 
manded, he having forgotten the number, but 
it was too late. 

This letter was brought to our Apart- 
ments, and we understood the bearer to en- 
quire, if a Dutch Gentleman resided there 
— He was answered in the negative, and 
my letter was lodged in a small letter Office, 
always an Appendage to the large Hotels. 
The very evening we left Paris it was brought 
to me. 

We now returned to London, and I was 
[ 49 ] 



MEMORANDUM BY 

soon sent for by George Rose (I suppose 
father of the Minister lately sent to the 
United States) who was one of Pitt's Secre- 
taries. He enquired if I had contracted with 
France — I told him, no — I did not come to 
make any Contract. Propositions were the 

extent of my business " You are then at 

liberty to agree with us — and I am authorised 
by Mr Pitt to tell you that you shall make 
your own terms." 

I told him it was too late — "I made 
very moderate proposals to you, but could not 

obtain anything worth my notice I went 

to France, sent forward my proposals, whicli 
were doubly advantageous to what I had 
offered your Government They consid- 
ered them but a short time, and on ray arrival 
in Paris were ready to act. I had a separate 
interview with all the Ministers of State neces- 
sary to the subject (five in number) who all 
agreed to, and granted my demands. This 
was effected in five hours, when I had waited 
[ 50 ] 



WIIililAM ROTCH 

to be called by your Privy Council more than 
four mouths." He still insisted that as I 
was not bound to France, I should make my 
own terms with them^ but all in vain — the 
time had passed over. Lord Sheffield also 
sent for me on the same subject, but was soon 
convinced that it was too late. The minority 
came to me for materials to attack Lord 
Hawksbury, but I refused. 

I now began to prepare for returning to my 
family. Accordingly I bought a good ship, 
and with William Mooers Master, we left the 
Downs the 11th of 10 month 1786 — After a 
tremendous passage of Sixty Eight days, in 
which we had twelve heavy storms, we arrived 
in Boston, and by way of Providence and 
Newport reached my own home on the 1st of 
1st month 1787, and to my unspeakable com- 
fort found my family well after an absence of 
Eighteen Months. 

We next prepared to increase our Fishery 
in Dunkirk, and my Son Benjamin returned 
[ 51 ] 



31 E M O K A N D U M BY 

there, to superintend the Business, he having 
become a partner with my son in law Samuel 
Eodman & myself. 

After remaining at home nearly four Years, 
I thought it best to make another voyage, to 
assist my Son in our business at Dunkirk — 
And not expecting to return in less than three 
Years, a term too long to be separated from 
my family, I proposed to my Wife to go with 
me, and take our Daughters Lydia & Mary 
with us, to which she consented — and we 
also took with us my Son Benjamin's Wife 
and Child. 

We sailed from New Bedford in the Ship 
Maria & Eliza, which I bought for the pur- 
pose, Abisha Haydon Master, on the 29th of 
7th month 1790. We arrived at Dunkirk in 
Thirty Eight days, and found our Son Benja- 
min in health, and greatly rejoiced to receive 
his Wife and Child, as well as to see us. 

Early in the Year 1791 I was called upon 
with my Son to attend the National Assembly 
[ 52 ] 



WILLIAM ROTCH 

at Paris We were joined by John Mar- 

sillac in presenting a Petition to that Body 
for some privileges and exemptions connected 
with our religious principles. 

The Petition was drawn by John Marsillac 
before we reached Paris, and notice given 
that it must be presented the next day. 

On perusing it, we found some material 
alterations necessary. And in some instances 
it was difficult to express in French the alter- 
ations we made in English, without losing 
their force. My not understanding the French 
Language it was impossible to have such ex- 
pressions inserted as I thought necessary 

And the time was so short, that we were 
obliged to let it pass with much fewer amend- 
ments than we wished. 

The hour was come for presenting it, and 
the previous notice given of the Quaker Peti- 
tion, I suppose drew every Member in Town 
to his seat. The Galleries for Spectators were 
filled, and many could not be accommodated, 
[ 53 ] 



ME3IORANDUM BY 

nor did we wonder at their curiosity, consider- 
ing the novelty of the Object. 

AVe had been, with Brissot De AYarville, 
Clavier, and some others looking over the 
Petition until the latest moment, and must 
now proceed to the Assembly. They with 
several others had come to accompany us, and 
just as we were moving, One observed, " You 
have no Cockades — You must put them on." 
We told them we could not — It was a dis- 
tinguishing Badge that we could not make use 
of. " But," said they, " it is required by Law, 
to prevent distinction, that people may not be 
abused, for their lives are in danger without 
them, and there is always a large Body of the 
lower classes about the Assembly that we 
have to pass through." Our answer was, that 
we could not do it, whatever might be the con- 
sequence — That we were willing to go as far 
as we could, and if stopped, we must submit 
to it — We saw that our friends were full of 
fear for our safety. We set out under no 
[ 54 ] 



WILLIAM ROTCH 

small apprehension, but trusting to that Power 
that can turn the hearts of Men as a water 
course is turned, we passed through this great 
Concourse without interruption, and reached 
the waiting room of the Assembly. 

A Messenger informed the President of our 
arrival, and we were immediately called to the 
Bar. 

John Marsillac read the Petition, with Bris- 
sot at his elbow, to correct him in his empha- 
sis, which he frequently did, unperceived I 
believe except by us. At the close of every 
subject, there was a general clapping of hands, 
and the Officers whose business it was, en- 
deavoring to hush them that the reading might 
proceed, this hushing I thought was hissing, 
from my ignorance of the language, and ap- 
prehended all was going wrong, until better 
informed. 

After the reading was concluded, the Pres- 
ident Mirabeau read his answer. The clap- 
ping was repeated at the end of every subject 
[ 55 ] 



3IEMORANDUM BY 

— at the close, the President said — " The 
Assembly invites you to stay its Sitting." 

As we were passing to the seats assigned 
us, a person touched Benjamin, and said, " I 
rejoice to see something of your principles 
brought before this Assembly." He did not 
know who it was. After we were seated, sev- 
eral Members came to us for conversation on 
the subject of our principles. "We remained 
until the Assembly rose, and then retired to 
our lodgings. 

"VVe next found that a visit to the influential 
Members, in their private Hotels, was neces- 
sary, to impress them with the reasonableness 
of our requests. We accordingly proceeded, 
John Marsillac, Benjamin & myself, and met 
with a polite reception from all except two, 
and nothing more than a careless indifference 
from them. One was Bernard, a young man 
of good talents, but great vanity — At our ap- 
proach he offered us no seats, but threw him- 
self on his Sofa at great ease, which we were 
[ 56 ] 



WILLIAM BOTCH 

told was his commou attitude, when Appli- 
cants of much more consequence than we were 
came into his presence. The other was Tally- 
rand — After endeavoring to impress him with 
the foundation of our Petition, he made no 
reply, but let us pass silently away. 

"We generally found a number of persons 
with the members we visited, not of the As- 
sembly, but Applicants, soliciting their interest 
for the different Objects they were pursuing — 
and the features of our Petition always led to 
an opportunity of opening our principles at 
large, particularly that respecting War. They 
invariably enquired and listened with great 
attention, and seldom was any opposition ex- 
pressed. We had much conversation with 
Bishop Gregory, who was a very catholic man, 
liberal in his sentiments, and much esteemed 

and also with Eabant De St Etienne then 

Bishop of Autun. He was a very valuable man, 

and I believe was a blessing to many over whom 

he presided. He was one that fell a victim to 

[ 57 ] 



MEMORANDUM BY 

the Guillotine under the sanguinary Reign of 

Robespierre He inclined to converse much 

on non-resistance, and finally, thus summed up 
what he considered the view of its advocates, 
and of pure Christianity 

" If an assassin comes, to take my life, and I 
conscientiously refrain from taking his to save 
it, I may trust some interposition for my de- 
liverance. If however, no interposition appear- 
ing, I still refrain from precipitating a soul 
unprepared into Eternity, and he is suffered 
to effect his purpose on me, I may hope to find 
mercy for myself." 

The Object of our Petition was of little con- 
sequence to me, whether granted or not com- 
pared with the opportunity we now had, of 
somewhat spreading the knowledge of our fun- 
damental Principles, above all that of the In- 
ward Light or Spirit of God in every man, as 
a primary Rule of Faith and Practice. We met 
with a number of serious persons, who were in 
great measure convinced of the rectitude of 
[ 68 ] 



AVILLIAM ROTCH 

our Faith, and they gathered to us at our Hotel 
one evening after another, one inviting others 
to come with them, until these social meetings 
in our apartments became exceedingly inter- 
esting. The conversation was almost wholly on 
religious subjects, and they always appeared 
well satisfied with the hours thus spent. 

It was then a turbulent time in Paris, and 
much more so afterwards — Several of those 
valuable persons fell in the Reign of Terror, 
and others are beyond my knowledge, but the 
remembrance of those Evenings and of the 
feeling of divine influence that attended them 
I believe will never pass away. 

One of our Visitors informed us that the 
Duchess of Bourbon was greatly interested in 
the principles we profess, and said if we wished 
to see her, he would make way for it — But 
Benjamin's business calling him home, and my 
not speaking the French Language, we could 
not accept the proffered interview. We there- 
fore returned to Dunkirk. 
[ 59 ] 



MEMORANDUM BY 

In the course of the Year 1792 fresh trials 
awaited us. A great Insurrection took place in 
Dunkirk, founded on a rumor of the exporta- 
tion of Corn — Several houses were attacked, 
their furniture totally destroyed, and the fami- 
lies, among whom were particular friends of 
ours, but just escaped with their lives. At last 
the Military were called in aid of the Civil 
Authority, and Fifteen of the Rioters were 
killed before they were quelled. The Head of 
one of these families escaped in disguise, and 
his Wife and Daughters were secretly con- 
veyed to our house at midnight, whence be- 
fore daybreak a friend escorted them on their 
journey to the Chateau of her Father Sixty 
miles distant. Martial Law was proclaimed, 
and wherever five men were seen tojrether 
in the evening and night, Orders were given 
to fire upon them. It was indeed an awful 
time. 

A great trial now assailed us, which I had 

anticipated with serious apprehension 

[ 60 ] 



WILLIAM ROTCH 

That of an Illumination for the Victories of the 
French over the Austrians. The Illumination 
was announced as for tomorrow evening — 
Having very little time to consider what could 
be done, Beujn & myself thought best to go 
immediately to the Mayor and Magistrates 
then assembled, to inform them that we could 

not illuminate, and the cause That as we 

could take no part in War, we could not join 
in rejoicings for Victory. On opening the sub- 
ject, they were much alarmed for our safety, 
and asked us what protection they could afford 
us. We replied " that is no part of our busi- 
ness — We only wish to place our refusal on 
the right ground, and to remove any apprehen- 
sion that we are opposing the Government." 
" Well," said the Mayor, "keep to your prin- 
ciples — Your houses are your own — The 
Streets are ours — and we shall pursue such 
measures as we think proper for the peace of 
this Town." — We retired, though not without 
some fear that they would send an armed force. 
[ 61 ] 



MEMORANDU3I BY 

Should this be the case, and any life be lost in 
endeavoring to protect us, I thought it would 
be insupportable. However they took another 
method, and sent men to erect a Frame before 
our house, and three other houses occupied by 
those of our Denomination, and hang a dozen 
Lamps upon it. The Mayor had also the great 
kindness to have a similar frame with Lamps, 
placed before his own house, in addition to the 
usual full illumination ; and he once, and the 
Magistrates several times walked by our house, 
to see if all remained quiet — for they were 
under great apprehension. The evening being 
fine, and great numbers walking in the streets, 
they generally stopped to enquire why this 
singular kind of illumination, when they were 
informed by the person placed there by the 
Mayor for this purpose, and to take charge of 
the Lights. On his assuring them that we were 
not opposed to the Government, but were Quak- 
ers, they went on their way. We had all with- 
drawn into a back parlor where we spent the 
[ 62 ] 



WILiIilAM ROTCH 

evening, and thus passed this trying occasion 
unmolested. 

A circumstance took place in the afternoon 
previous to the illumination, which I believe 
contributed in part to our remaining quiet. My 
Son was passing in the Street, and observed a 
number of men conversing very earnestly. One 
said, " If there are any Aristocrats who do not 
illuminate they will be destroyed." Benjamin 
then remarked to him, that he hoped that 
would not be the criterion to judge Aristocrats 
by, as he could not illuminate, and gave his 
reasons. The man who had been so earnest then 
addressed him thus — "I am glad I know 
your reasons, and I will endeavor all in my 

power to prevent your being injured." 

Another of the company said, " Mr Rotcli, this 
man can do more with those people whom you 
have the most reason to fear, than any man in 

this Town " and I have no doubt that he 

used his influence with those very people. Thus 

we may frequently see a concurrence of circum- 

[ 63 ] 



MEMORANDUM B Y 

stances in our preservation, which is by many 

attributed to chance 1 believe it is rather 

the watchful care of our Heavenly Father, how- 
ever undeserving we may be. 

Another Illumination took place soon after, 
when the same course was pursued towards us 
by the Mayor as before. A young man was 
passing our house late in the evening, when 
many lights in the Town were extinguished, 
and saw two men searching on the Ground. On 
enquiring what they were seeking, they said, 
" We are looking for something to demolish 
these windows — they are Aristocrats, and do 
not illuminate." He told them they must not 
molest us, that we were no Aristocrats, but 
were Quakers, whose religious j^rinciples for- 
bade public rejoicings on any occasion, and 
persuaded the men away — Of this the young 
man's father informed us the next morn- 
ing. 

The next Illumination was on the arrival of 
Commissioners sent from Paris to stir up the 
[ 64 ] 



WILLIAM KOTCH 



people to action My Son being absent, I 

requested Louis DeBacque to go with me to 
the Commissioners, and as my interpreter, 
give our reasons for taking no part in it. 

We found them in one of the Forts, and 
after Louis had communicated what I wished, 
the Principal among them came to me, and 
taking me by the hand, desired we would do 
nothing contrary to our scruples on their ac- 
count. 

After some further friendly expressions, he 

turned to a large Body of people present, and 
thus addressed them — " We are now about 
establishing a Government on the same prin- 
ciples that William Penn the Quaker estab- 
lished Pennsylvania — and I find there are a 
few Quakers in this Town, whose religious 
principles do not admit of any public rejoic- 
ings, and I desire they may not be molested." 
That same evening the Commissioners as- 
sembled the Town at the Town House, to ad- 
dress them on their public affairs, and in the 
[ 65 ] 



MEMORANDUM BY 

course of it, he took up our case again, and as 
before, desired we might not be molested, but 

protected. We afterwards found that sev- 

eral candles had been stuck around some pil- 
lars on the outside of our house, though we 
did not know it at the time. 

This must have been done by Mechanics in 
our employ, several of whom on each of these 
occasions, passed much of the evening in walk- 
ing before our houses to see if there was any 
service they could render, and telling those 
who enquired that we were Quakers and not 
Aristocrats. 

In the beginning of 1793 I became fully 
aware that War between England and France 
would soon take place. Therefore it was time 
for me to leave the Country, in order to save 
our Vessels if captured by the English. I pro- 
ceeded to England, two of them were captured, 
full of Oil, and condemned, but we recovered 
both by my being in England, where I arrived 
two weeks before the War took place. 
[ 66 ] 



WILLIAM ROTCH 

My going to France to pursue the Whale 
Fishery so disappointed Lord Hawksbury, that 
he undertook to be revenged on me for his own 
folly, and I have no doubt gave directions to 
the Cruisers to take any of our Vessels that 
they met with going to France. When the 
Ospray was taken by a King's ship, the Offi- 
cer who was sent on board to examine her pa- 
pers, called to the Captain, and said, " You '11 
take this Vessel in Sir, she belongs to Mr 
Rotch." 

My Wife and family embarked secretly 
from Dunkirk with many Americans in a ship 
bound to America, and were landed in Eng- 
land, where I had the great comfort of re- 
ceiving them four months after I left them in 
France. 

Louis Sixteenth was Guillotined two days 
after I left that agitated Country — an event 
solemnly anticipated, and deeply deplored by 
many who dared not manifest what they felt. 

We were now settled in London, where we 
[ 67 ] 



MEMORANDUM BY 

enjoyed the company of many old acquaint- 
ances and friends until the summer of 1794. 
My Son William sent the Ship Barclay, David 
Swain Master, to France with a Cargo, and 
ordered her from thence to London to take us 
to America. 

We embarked the 24th of 7th month, had a 
long passage of Sixty One days, and arrived 
in Boston 23rd of 9th month 1794. The night 
before our arrival an awful circumstance took 

place during a Squall Calvin Swain, 

Brother of the Captain, fell from the main top 
sail yard into the long Boat, and was instantly 
killed. 

We soon proceeded to New Bedford, and 
after spending a few days there, returned to 
our home at Nantucket, finding all our Chil- 
dren, and Grandchildren well that we left 
more than four years before, and six added in 
Samuel's and William's families. 

We staid a Year at our old habitation, and 
then removed to New Bedford, where we have 
[ 68 ] 



WILLIAM ROTCH 

remained until now, when I have entered on 
my Eightieth Year. 

Many occurrences I omit in giving the fore- 
going account, or they would swell this scrip 
to a considerable volume — When I take a 
retrospective view of this part of my life, of 
the dangers to which I have been exposed, 
and the numerous preservations I have wit- 
nessed, to be attributed to nothing but that 
Superintending Power, who is ever ready to 
succour the workmanship of his holy hand, it 
fills me with astonishment and admiration, and 
seeing my own unworthiness, I may exclaim 
with the Psalmist, " "What is man that thou 
art mindful of him, or the son of man that 
thou visitest him ! " 



New Bedford 2nd mo 1814. 



THE RESPECTFUL PETITION 

OF THE 

CHRISTIAN SOCIETY OF FRIENDS 

CALLED QUAKERS, 

DELIVERED BEFORE THE NATIONAL 
ASSEMBLY, 

Thursday 10th February 1791. 



Respectahle Legislators : 

The French Nation having appointed you 
her Legislators, and your hearts having been 
disposed to enact wise laws, we solicit the ex- 
tension of your Justice and Benevolence to the 
Society of peaceable Christians to which we be- 
long. 

You know that in several States of Europe 

and North America, there are a great number 

of Christians known by the name of Quakers, 

who profess to serve God according to the an- 

[ 70 ] 



W I li L I A M ROTCH 

cient simplicity of the primitive Christian 
Church. Several Towns and villages of Langue- 
doc contain a number of families attached to 
this primitive Christianity. Many other fami- 
lies, which came from America, have settled at 
Dunkirk, under the auspices of the late Govern- 
ment, in consequence of the invitation given to 
the Inhabitants of Nantucket, for the purpose 
of extending the French Fisheries. These Is- 
landers have proved themselves worthy of your 
kindness by their success, and the same motive 
will induce them to continue to deserve it. 
Concerns, however, of far greater moment, 
have this day brought us before you. 

In an Age signal for the increase of knowl- 
edge, you have been struck with this truth, 
that Conscience, the immediate relation of man 
with his Creator, cannot be subject to the 
power of man: and this principle of Justice 
hath induced you to decree a general liberty 
for all forms of worship. This is one of the 
noblest decrees of the French Legislature. 
[ 71 ] 



MEMORANDUM BY 

You have set a great Example to the Na- 
tions which continue to persecute for religion, 
and sooner or later, we hope, they will follow 
it. 

We are come to implore this spirit of Justice, 
that we may be suffered, without molestation, 
to conform to some principles, and to use some 
forms, to which the great family of Friends 
called Quakers, have been inviolably attached 
ever since their rise. 

Great persecutions have been inflicted on us, 
on account of one of these principles, but to no 
purpose. Providence hath enabled us to sur- 
mount them, without using violence. We mean 
the principle which forbids us to take arms, 
and kill men on any pretence ; a principle con- 
sistent with the holy scriptures : " render not " 
(said Christ) " evil for evil, but do good to 
your enemies." 

"Would to Heaven this principle were uni- 
versally adopted! All mankind becoming one 
family, would be brethren united by acts of 
[ 72 ] 



WILLIAM ROTCH 

kindness — Generous Frenchmen, you are con- 
vinced of its truth ; you have already begun 
to reduce it to practice ; you have decreed 
never to defile your hands with blood in pur- 
suit of conquest. This measure brings you, — 
it brings the whole world, a step towards uni- 
versal peace. You cannot therefore behold with 
an unfriendly eye men who accelerate it by their 
example. They have proved in Pennsylvania, 
that vast Establishments may be formed, raised, 
and supported without military preparations, 
and without shedding human blood. We sub- 
mit to your laws, and only desire the privilege 
of being here, as in other Countries, the Breth- 
ren of all men — never to take up arms against 
any. England and the United States of Amer- 
ica, where, our brethren are far more numerous 
than in France, allow us peaceably to follow 
this great principle of our religion, nor do they 
esteem us useless members of the Community. 
We have another request to make, which we 
hope you will not refuse us ; because it flows 
[ 73 ] 



MEMORANDUM BY 

from those principles of justice to which you 
do homage. In our registers of births, mar- 
riages and burials, we have preserved the sim- 
plicity of the primitive Church. Our maxims 
forbid useless forms, and limit us to those which 
are necessary for ascertaining the terms of 
human life, consistently with the good order 
of Society. We request that our simple regis- 
ters may be deemed sufficient to legalize our 
marriages and births, and authenticate our 
deaths, by causing a declaration thereof to be 
made before a magistrate — 

Finally, we request that we may be exempted 
from all Oaths, Christ having expressly for- 
bidden them in these words, " You have heard 
that it hath been said by them of old time, 
thou shalt perform thine Oaths ; but I say unto 
you swear not at all, but let your yea be yea, 
and your nay nay." 

Wise Legislators, you are persuaded as well 
as we, that an Oath is no assurance of sincer- 
ity ; that it can give no additional force to the 
[ 74 ] 



WILLIA3I BOTCH 

declaration of an honest man, and does not 
deter a perjurer. You admit that an Oath is 
but a peculiar way of making a declaration, 
— as it were a peculiar mode of speech. We 
hope therefore you will not refuse to hear us 
in ours. It is that of our common Master — 
that of Christ. We trust that we shall not be 
suspected of a wish to evade the great pur- 
pose of the Civic Oath. We are earnest to de- 
clare in this place, that we will continue true 
to the Constitution which you have formed; 
we cherish and respect it, and it is our full 
purpose to follow its laws in all their purity ; 
on the other hand, if our words, if our evi- 
dences are found to be false, we willingly sub- 
mit to the penalties on false witnesses and per- 
jurers. 

Can you, respectable Legislators, hesitate to 
grant our request ? Cast your eyes on the his- 
tory of our Society, in the Countries in which 
we are established. More than a Century hath 
elapsed, and we have never been found in any 
[ 75 ] 



MEMORANDUM BY 

Conspiracy against the Government. Our tem- 
perate rule of life forbids ambition and lux- 
ury, and the purpose of our watchful Disci- 
pline is to preserve us in the practice of those 
manners, to which we were led by the exhor- 
tations and example of our Founder. 

We esteem employment a duty enjoined on 
all : and this persuasion renders us active and 
industrious. In this respect therefore our So- 
ciety may prove useful to France. By favoring 
us you encourage Industry. Industry now seeks 
those Countries where the honest industrious 
man will be under no apprehensions of seeing 
the produce of a Century of labor snatched 
away, in an instant, by the hand of persecution. 

Now that France is becoming the Asylum 
of Liberty, of equal law and of brotherly kind- 
ness, and adds to these sources of prosperity, 
perfect liberty for every individual to obey the 
dictates of his conscience, in relation to the 
Almighty ; — what prospects of advantage will 
arise to induce our Brethren who inhabit less 
[ 76 ] 



WILLIAM ROTCH 

happy Climes, to settle in France, a Country 
favored by Nature, as soon as they learn that 
you have granted them the same civil and reli- 
gious liberty which they enjoy in England and 
the United States of America. 

Such is the respectful Petition we present to 
you, for the relief of our Brethren in France, 
and for the good of a Country which we love. 
We hope among your important engagements 
in reforming this Great Empire, and multiply- 
ing the sources of its happiness, you will ex- 
tend your justice and regard to us and our 
Children : it will bring upon you the reward 
of the Almighty, and the love of virtuous men. 



ANSWER 

OF THE 

PRESIDENT 



Quakers, who have fled from Persecutors and 
Tyrants, cannot but address with confidence 
those Legislators who have, for the first time 
in France, made the rights of mankind the 
basis of law. And France, now reformed, 
France in the bosom of Peace, (which she will 
always consider herself bound to revere, and 
which she wishes to all other Nations) may 
become another happy Pennsylvania. 

As a system of philanthropy, we admire 
your principles. They remind us that the 
Origin of every Society was a family united by 
its manners, its affections, and its wants, and 
doubtless those would certainly be the most 
sublime institutions, which would renew the 
[ 78 ] 




MIR ABE AU 



WILIilAM ROTCH 

human race, and bring them back to this 
primitive and virtuous Original. 

The examination of your principles, as a 
matter of opinion, no longer concerns us: we 
have decided on that point. There is a kind 
of property which no man would put into the 
common stock : the motions of his soul, the 
freedom of his thought. In this sacred domain, 
man is placed in a Hierarchy far above the 
social state. As Citizen, he must adopt a form 
of Government : — but as a thinking Being, 
the Universe is his Country. 

As principles of Religion, your doctrines 
will not be the subject of our deliberation. 
The relation of every man with the Supreme 
Being is independent of all political institu- 
tions. Between God and the heart of man what 
Government would dare to interpose? — 

As civil maxims, your claims must be sub- 
mitted to the discussion of the Legislative 
Body. We will examine whether the forms 
you observe in order to ascertain births and 
C 79 ] . 



MEMORANDUM BY 

marriages, be sufficient to authenticate those 
descents which the division of property renders 
indispensable, independently of good customs. 

We will consider whether a declaration, sub- 
ject to the penalties against false witnesses 
and perjury, be not in fact an Oath. 

Worthy Citizens, you have already taken 
that civic oath which every man deserving of 
freedom hath thought a privilege rather than 
a duty. You have not taken God to witness, 
but you have appealed to your consciences. 
And is not a pure conscience a Heaven with- 
out a cloud ? Is not that part of man a ray of 
the Divinity? — 

You also say that one of your religious 
Tenets forbids you to take up arms, or to kill, 
on any pretence whatsoever. It is certainly a 
noble philosophical principle, which thus does 
a kind of homage to humanity. But consider 
well, whether the defence of yourselves, and 
your equals, be not also a religious duty? 
You would otherwise be overpowered by Ty- 
[ 80 ] 



WILLIAM ROTCH 

rants ! — Since we have procured Liberty for 
you, and for ourselves, why should you refuse 
to preserve it? 

Had your Brethren in Pennsylvania been 
less remote from the savages, would they have 
suffered their wives, their children, their par- 
ents to be massacred rather than resist ? And 
are not stupid Tyrants, and ferocious Con- 
querors also Savages ? — 

The Assembly will, in its wisdom, consider 
all your requests. But whenever / meet a 
Quaker, I shall say, 

My Brother, if thou hast a right to be free, 
thou hast a right to prevent any one from 
making thee a slave. 

As thou lovest thy fellow-creature, suffer 
not a Tyrant to destroy him : it would be kill- 
ing him thyself. 

Thou desirest peace — but consider — weak- 
ness invites War — General resistance would 
prove an Universal Peace. 

The Assembly invites you to stay its Sitting. 



COPY OF 

THOMAS JENKINS'S 

COMPLAINT. 



To the Honorable ike Council^ and the Hon- 
orable the House of Representatives^ zn 
General Court assembled^ at Boston, 
Novr 1779, 

Thomas Jenkins humbly sheweth That 

as a true and liege subject of the State of the 
Massachusetts Bay, as well as from enormous 
personal injuries received, he is most strongly 
urged to lay the following representation and 
complaint before the Supreme Legislature of 
the State. 

Your petitioner complains of Dr Benjamin 
Tapper, Timothy Folger Esqr, "William Eotch, 
Samuel Starbuck, and Kezia Coffin, all of the 
[ 82 ] 



WIL.L.IAM ROTCH 

Island of Nantucket, as persons dangerous, and 
inimical to the freedom and independence of 
this and the other United States of America ; 
as Encouragers, Aiders and Abettors of the 
Enemy, in making inroads on the State Terri- 
tories, and depredations on the property of the 
good subjects of this State. 

It can be clearly proved (if your Honors 
should think fit to order an enquiry) that re- 
iterated attempts have been made by some of 
the above persons, to induce the Inhabitants 
of said Island, to settle correspondence with, 
and openly join the Enemy. 

In particular the said Timothy Folger ap- 
plied to the Selectmen of the Town of Sher- 
bourn, in a written request, subscribed with his 
own hand, to call a Convention of the Town, 
in order to choose a Committee to treat with 
the British Commanders at New York and 
Rhode Island ; and also whether it was expedi- 
ent for the Town any longer to pay Taxes to 
this State ; and upon the said application being 
[ 83 ] 



MEMORANDUM BY 

reprobated by the Select men as highly preju- 
dicial and inimical to the honor and interest of 
the State, said Folger declared that several of 
the principal Inhabitants of the Towti were 
of his opinion ; and then insolently told the 
Select men they deserved to be damned if they 
refused to comply with his proposal — 

This treasonable proposition will be proved 
by the Select men. That there was a private 
Correspondence carried on by some or all of 
the aforesaid persons with the Enemy can be 
proved by the annexed list of Witnesses No 2 
— and that the Commander of the predatory 
Fleet which came to Nantucket last spring, 
confessed that they never should have come 
there on the design they executed, had they 
not been repeatedly called upon and invited 
for the purpose, by the Friends to the British 
Government, in the infamous number of whom 
the persons above complained of were notori- 
ously enrolled. Doctor Samuel Gelston will 
prove this confession. 

[ 84 ] 



WIIililAM ROTCH 

That upon the arrival of the Renegado Fleet 
at the Bar of the harbor, the aforesaid Rotch 
and Folger together with one Josiah Barker, 
(without any appointment or consent of the 
Town) went on board the said Fleet, and after 
tarrying some time, came on shore in company 
with several of the principal Refugee Officers, 
and immediately went to the said Rotch's house, 
where, after calling in three or four other men 
of the same inimical character with themselves, 
a long consultation was held. 

In about an hour the Council broke up, and 
one of the said Officers with a number of his 
people proceeded immediately to some Ware 
houses of your Complainant, and robbed him of 
— 260 barrels of Sperm Oil, 1800 lbs of Whale 
Bone, 2300 wt. of Iron, 1200 lbs of Cofifee, 
20,000 wt of Tobacco, and a number of smaller 
articles, all which they carried off, together with 
a Brig, one moiety of which he owned, to the 
loss of your Complainant, Twenty five hundred 
Guineas at least. — This property was pointed 
[ 85 ] 



MEMORANDUM BY 

out to them by the said Dr Tupper and Kezia 

Coffin. That other effects of the true 

and liege subjects of this State were partic- 
ularly pointed out to the Enemy for plunder, 
by some of the persons above complained of, 
and especially by said Starbuck, can be amply 
proved. 

Your Complainant begs leave further 

to add, that after the Enemy had got possession 
of his Brig above mentioned, frightened with 
a false alarm, they precipitately left the harbor, 
and the said Brig behind them, with only five 
men in her ; upon which some of the well dis- 
posed Inhabitants proposed securing her, which 
might with ease have been effected ; but the 
said Folger and Rotch with some others of the 
same complexion and sentiments interposed and 
dissuaded, and opposed the intention of the 
people ; by means of which the said Brig and 
Cargo were finally carried off, after a Pilot was 
procured by the Enemy, who was induced to take 
charge of the vessel by the advice of the afore- 
[ 86 ] 



WIL.L.IAM ROTCH 

said William Rotch. To put the inimical 

and treasonable sentiments and designs of the 
said Dr Tupper beyond all dispute, after he 
had returned from New York, with said Star- 
buck and Rotch, where they had gone on an ille- 
gal and dangerous errand, upon a Town Meeting 
being convened, said Tupper after having 
menaced and abused all those persons, who 
had been opposed to the said Triumvirate going 
to New York, moved that a Committee should 
be chosen, for the purpose of seeing that the 
King's servants, meaning the adherents and 
officers of the British King, should receive 
suitable respect and protection and be kindly 
used, and that all refractory persons, (mean- 
ing such liege subjects of this State as were op- 
posed to their traitorous proceedings) should 
be apprehended and sent where they would 
meet their punishment. 

Innumerable other instances of the most 
dangerous and illegal conduct in some or all 
the persons now complained of can be pro- 
[ 87 ] 



3IEMORAI^DUM BY 

duced, should your Honors think fit to order 
an enquiry to be made ; which your Petitioner 
and Complainant humbly prays may be or- 
dered, as well for the public interest, as that 
some reparation may be made him, and his 
other suffering brethren, who have sustained 
very heavy losses, by the cruel and treasonable 
management of those people ; and that such 
Order may issue from your Honors as shall 
compel the persons charged as above, to answer 
to these Articles of complaint, and that sum- 
monses may be granted for the Witnesses 
whose names are herewith handed to your 
Honors, to attend at such time as your Honors 
shall order the enquiry to be made. 

And your Petitioner as in duty bound shall 

ever pray. 

(^Signed') Thomas Jenkins. 

a true Copy 
Attest John Averj DC.J. 

[ 88 ] 



WILLIAM ROTCH 



Witnesses to the several Charges vizt. 

John Waterman Marshall Jenkins 

Benjn FoLGER (M Vineyd) 

Walter Folger Benjn Hussey 

Shubael Barnard Stephen Hussey 

Peter Macy Seth Jenkins 

Ebenezer Coffin Shubael Worth 

DocR Samuel Gels- Stephen Fish 

ton Paul Pinkham 

Timothy Fitch William Hammett 

(Medford) John Ramsole 

Shubael Downs George Hussey 2ni> 

(Walpole) Francis Chase 

COPY 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 



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